Recently, the government has begun to focus on Nouakchott—on all of Nouakchott—after decades of attention centered exclusively on an elite portion of the city that has aged prematurely. The city has been divided into two starkly different zones: 15% of the area deemed fit for everything and 85% considered unfit for anything. Land prices in Tevragh-Zeina and Ksar have suddenly skyrocketed to hundreds of thousands of dollars in a country where the total GDP barely reaches $8 billion, and where the average monthly salary is $300. Meanwhile, average land prices in other areas remain under $5,000.
This disparity has preoccupied three key groups: security forces, the middle class, and select statesmen.
Security officials have long observed the emergence of a growing class divide, with the majority lacking basic necessities while a small minority controls everything, enjoying a budget bloated by luxuries. In recent years, an even more concerning and rapidly growing group has emerged: delinquents and those with corrupt role models. These individuals openly embody the “new sectarianism,” propagating a narrative that labels the 85% of the city’s residents as “beyond Madrid.” They encourage school dropouts and dismiss traditional educational pathways. Instead of enduring 12 years of schooling and the rigors of higher education, they advocate acquiring a mobile phone and violating social norms to achieve quick wealth and join the privileged 15%.
Statistics reflect these challenges. Over 95% of the city’s crimes, 70% of informal taxi operations, and 100% of labor activity are concentrated within the 85%. This fuels feelings of marginalization and oppression, with potentially dangerous consequences. The middle class, meanwhile, finds itself chasing an elusive dream. Every effort to secure a foothold in the 15% is thwarted by soaring property or car prices that double before they can act.
This grim situation, marked by the absence of justice and state neutrality, has led to the disappearance of the middle class. Society no longer tolerates its existence—you must belong to either the 15% or the 85%, with no middle ground.
Observers note a mass exodus of wealthier residents from areas like Arafat and Teyssir to the 15%, signaling their allegiance to the elite rather than the “scorned” 85%. This migration deprives these areas of capable benefactors who once offered occasional support to the impoverished. As a result, tens of thousands of young people now risk treacherous maritime journeys in search of better prospects, echoing the ambitions of Columbus. Some sell everything they own to purchase apartments for their families in Turkey, France, Spain, or Morocco for a fraction of what a barren plot of salty land costs in the western part of the city. They prefer the label of poverty abroad over the false pretense of wealth at home. Meanwhile, a third group, unable to escape, clings to the doors of the 15%, leveraging charm and flattery to promote luxury products, even as they erode societal values.
A few statesmen recognize the unsustainability of this fragile societal structure. Urgent and difficult decisions—if not outright concessions—must be made to prevent the community from splintering between a majority with nothing and a minority wanting for nothing. If the latter’s wealth had been earned through genuine enterprise, education, and honest investments, it would have been beyond reproach—a blessing from God. However, many understand that these vast fortunes are the byproducts of corruption, insider deals, and lobbying within decision-making circles.
The current patient president and his well-educated, determined prime minister are perhaps best positioned to lay the groundwork for much-needed change in this city, which serves as the nation’s heart and soul. Should it falter, no other part of the country can be expected to thrive.
Developing Nouakchott requires more than painting sidewalks and building bus stops. The city desperately needs schools in the “beyond Madrid” areas and reliable access to essential services like water, electricity, and security. The government should consider relocating some ministerial complexes to areas outside Tevragh-Zeina and Ksar and constructing genuine hospitals, uninterrupted power supplies, modern markets, gardens, and parks. Such efforts might rescue disillusioned youth, whose minds are being shaped by unregulated action dramas and socially deviant portrayals on local television.
The government must also implement affirmative action programs targeting the 85%, including job opportunities, monitored bank loans, and developmental financing.
Developing Nouakchott is as much a security and unity imperative as it is a developmental one. If remnants of social morality and faith persist in this generation, they may not endure in the post-2035 era. By then, the forces driving coexistence may erode, leaving a chasm between an oppressed base and an aloof elite.
Take heed, for the sake of your children and grandchildren!
